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US/Ukraine minerals deal: Digging into the detail
The United States and Ukraine governments have announced the signature of an agreement of a minerals deal for Ukraine.
Global | Publication | September 2016
Exclusive jurisdiction clauses are key to effective cross-border trade. The existing regime for enforcement of exclusive jurisdiction clauses in the UK and throughout the EU contains some areas of uncertainty but is, overall, sufficiently robust to be used with confidence. Similarly, while any new regime post-Brexit will not be perfect, it will be robust enough for everyday use and may even avoid some of the problems of the existing regime.
Exclusive jurisdiction clauses are recognised in the UK (and throughout the EU) by virtue of Article 25 of the Brussels Regulation. This requires courts in the EU to recognise a submission to jurisdiction agreed in a prescribed form by the parties in favour of the courts of a Member State. Even though Article 25 and its predecessors have been relied on by commercial and banking counterparties for many years, it is not free from legal risk. For instance:
These current imperfections cannot be compared with the future post-Brexit arrangements because, of course, those arrangements have yet to be determined. Nevertheless, the parameters of negotiations to agree those arrangements are foreseeable. In particular, they will involve a triangulation between three possibilities:
Wherever the UK ends up within this triangle, in general, English courts will continue to respect an exclusive choice of the courts of another country and courts within the EU will continue to respect the choice of English courts.
Any of the Brussels Convention, the Lugano Convention, the common law or some amalgam of those will provide for English courts to stay their proceedings in favour of another country chosen by the parties. The modalities of expressing that agreement and allowable exceptions may vary slightly from the current position. For instance, if English courts were no longer bound by international conventions, there might be more scope for stays to be refused on discretionary grounds – although the English courts would no doubt take a commercial approach to the exercise of any discretionary powers.
Similarly, whether the UK is a Brussels Convention state, a Lugano Convention state, or simply a non-Member State within the ambit of the Brussels Regulation, EU Member States will, in general, continue to respect exclusive jurisdiction clauses selecting the English courts. It may be that this is via their own national conflicts of law rules rather than international convention. It may be that this leads to increased scope for ‘torpedoes’ or other delaying tactics if the UK becomes just another non-Member State. However, if the UK’s negotiated position is outside the Brussels regime, then it is likely that it will once again be able to use anti-suit injunctions. This powerful weapon to compel compliance with an exclusive jurisdiction clause was largely removed from the arsenal of the English courts by the Brussels Regulation, as set out above.
To the extent that the UK ends up within the Brussels Regulation or Convention or a similar regime, the English courts may be restricted in their ability to grant anti-suit injunctions, but foreign courts will be compelled to recognise English exclusive jurisdiction clauses in accordance with uniform international norms substantially similar to those in force today. To the extent that the UK ends up outside any of those regimes, foreign courts may be more variable in respecting English exclusive jurisdiction clauses – although most countries will still do so, in accordance with their own rules, most of the time – but the English courts will have far more power to compel compliance using anti-suit injunctions. The net effect is that wherever the UK ends up, the legal risk of foreign non-compliance with English exclusive jurisdiction clauses will be little changed.
The other legal risks identified above – that is, the imperfections in the current system – may actually be reduced by any post-Brexit arrangement. English courts have supported asymmetric jurisdiction clauses of all types. If English courts post-Brexit are not subject to decisions of the CJEU, that entirely removes the risk that they will be bound by a future CJEU decision not to enforce those clauses. The extension of prospectus liability set out above only applies when the court that would otherwise have jurisdiction is located in a Member State. If UK issuers and arrangers are located in a non-Member State, this risk is inapplicable.
There is a trade-off. A position close to the status quo accepts the legal risks in the current consensual system. Moving towards a less consensual, more competitive, approach gives the opportunity to eliminate the existing risks but might create new awkward situations. Taking advantage of other international conventions adds another dimension to any negotiations that could help preserve freedom of action while limiting any new risks.
In short, exclusive jurisdiction clauses will continue to operate in the post-Brexit world. There will be uncertainties and inconsistencies – but these will be of a similar order of magnitude to those in the existing international regime and will not prevent the continuing orderly use of these clauses in international trade.
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